¡¡¡¡ µÚ1Ò³:section¢ñ Use of English µÚ2Ò³:section¢ò Reading Comprehension--Part A µÚ3Ò³:section¢ò Reading Comprehension--Part B µÚ4Ò³:section¢ò Reading Comprehension--Part C µÚ5Ò³:section ¢ó Writing--Part A µÚ6Ò³:section ¢ó Writing--Part B µÚ7Ò³:È«ÕæÄ£ÄâÊÔÌâÁù½âÎö

¡¡¡¡Directions:

¡¡¡¡Read the following four texts.Answer the questions below each text by choosing A,B,C or D. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1.(40 points)

¡¡¡¡Text 1

¡¡¡¡The United States in the 1990s has had seven years of economic boom with low unemployment, low inflation, and low government deficit. Amid all of this good news, inequality has increased and wages have barely risen. Common sense knowledge seems to be right in this instance, that is, the rich get richer, the poor get poorer, and the middle class is shrinking. Though President Clinton boasts that the number of people on welfare has decreased significantly under his regime to 8 million, a 44% decline from 1994, he forgets that there are still 36.5 million poor people in the United States, which is only a 2% decline in the same amount of time. How is it possible that we have increasing inequality during economic prosperity?

¡¡¡¡This contradiction is not easily explained by the dominant neoclassical economic discourse of our time. Nor is it resolved by neoconservative social policy. More helpful is the one book under review: James K.Galbraith¡¯s Created Unequal, a Keynesian analysis of increasing wage inequality.

¡¡¡¡James K.Galbraith provides a multicausal analysis that blames the current free market monetary policy for the increasing wage inequality. He calls for a rebellion in economic analysis and policy and for a reapplication of Keynesian macroeconomics to solve the problem. In Created Unequal, Galbraith successfully debunks the conservative contention that wage inequality is necessary because the new skill-biased technological innovation requires educated workers who are in short supply. For Galbraith, this is a fantasy. He also critiques their two other assertions: first, that global competition requires an increase in inequality and that the maintenance of inequality is necessary to fight inflation. He points to transfer payments that are mediated by the state: payment to the poor in the form of welfare is minor relative to payment to the elderly in the form of social security or to the rich in the form of interest on public and private debt.

¡¡¡¡Galbraith minimizes the social indicators of race, gender, and class and tells us that these are not important in understanding wage inequality. What is important is Keynesian macroeconomics. To make this point, he introduces a sectoral analysis of the economy. Here knowledge is dominant(the K-sector)and the producers of consumption goods(the C-sector)are in decline. The third sector is large and low paid(the S-sector). The K-sector controls the new technologies and wields monopoly power. Both wages and profit decline in the other two sectors. As a result of monopoly, power inequality increases.

¡¡¡¡21. The writer accuses President Clinton of

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý being too optimistic about the economic prosperity.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý lying about the economic situation to the public.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý increasing the number of people on welfare.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý being reluctant to raise the salary of the average people.

¡¡¡¡22. Galbraith¬ðs book

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý is devoted to analysing why economic boom usually goes with wage inequality.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý reviews the dominant neoclassical economic discourse of our time.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý recommend resolving the present problem by neoconservative social policy.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý attributes the present increasing wage inequality to several factors.

¡¡¡¡23. According to the conservative theory, wage inequality is necessary because

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý it is a condition created by the labor market.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý there is an overall decline in the world¡¯s economy.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý technological innovation has not produced the desired result.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý the number of people on welfare has decreased.

¡¡¡¡24. To which of the following statements would Galbraith agree?

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý The new skilled biased technological innovation initiates the present wage inequality.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý The maintenance of wage inequality is necessary to fighting inflation.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý Worldwide competition entails an increase in wage inequality.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý Transfer payment to the rich has made the rich even richer.

¡¡¡¡25. ¡°Monopoly¡±(in the last sentence)in this passage refers to

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý the exclusive control of the market forces by the rich.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý the dominant control of the new technologies by a particular sector.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý the powerful control of the K-sector over the C-and S-sectors.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý the ignorance of the social indicators of race, gender, and class in understanding inequality.

¡¡¡¡Text 2

¡¡¡¡The widespread adoption of the Internet and the Web makes it possible to administer questionnaire surveys electronically, potentially achieving much greater cost-effectiveness and permitting the integration of data from many sources. At the same time, there are significant technical challenges that must be met, especially in the areas of logistics and sampling. Recognizing the need for innovation in this and related areas, the NSF Methodology, Measurement, and Statistics Program, in collaboration with a consortium of federal statistical agencies represented by the Interagency Council of Statistical Policy and the Federal Committee on Statistical Methodology, has held a special competition on survey research methods. Included among the topic areas in the competition announcement is ¡°secure and easy-to-use methods of collecting survey data via the Web¡±.

¡¡¡¡Today¡¯s leading social scientific surveys are very expensive interview studies of national samples. For example, the GSS administers a 90-minute faceª²toª²face interview to 1 500 American adults at a cost of about $500 per interview. However, the respondents are not a true random sample because cost considerations with respect to the interviewer¡¯s travel require that respondents be recruited in a limited number of geographic clusters, and there is no list of residents from which a random sample could be drawn. The small number of geographic areas surveyed limits scientists-ability to link GSS data to other geographically based data such as the U.S. census. Because of the high cost and many research communities that seek time in the GSS, it is impossible to include more than a handful of questions on any particular topic. This prevents the GSS from employing much of the best methodology of measurement scale construction, which requires inclusion of a large number of items. Surveys like the GSS will be needed in future decades to chart the changing social, economic, and political conditions of the American public. But many types of social science will advance more rapidly through surveys administered over the web.

¡¡¡¡Web-based surveys can reach very large numbers of respondents at low cost. They will be geographically dispersed so that their data can be linked to the census, to local economic information, and to data from other webª²based surveys. It might not be possible to hold the interviewees-interest for the full 90ª²minute questionnaire of the GSS, but shorter duration surveys administered to very large numbers of respondents can in the aggregate include far more items, thereby permitting much finer measurement of scientifically interesting variables. The high cost of major national surveys generally has restricted the topic studied to those that especially require highly representative samples such as family structure and economic status in the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and voting behavior in the American National Election Study, data from both of which are now freely available over the web. A vast array of other scientific research areas, therefore, have languished from many years without the largeª²scale survey data that would permit knowledge to progress.

¡¡¡¡26. Administering surveys via the Web would result in

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý the reduction of cost involved in data collection.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý secure and easy-to-use methods of collecting data.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý more convincing conclusions on the matter surveyed.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý all of the above.

¡¡¡¡27. The second paragraph is mainly about

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý the differences between the Web-based and traditional surveys.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý the advantages of the Web-based surveys.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý the weaknesses of the traditional surveys.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý the cost involved in conducting traditional surveys.

¡¡¡¡28. What makes traditional surveys unscientific according to the second paragraph?

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý The sampling is not made strictly randomly.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý The interview has to be conducted face-to-face.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý Improper questions are often included in a survey.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý Selection of respondents is often a matter of personal decision.

¡¡¡¡29. The author firmly believes that Web-based surveys will

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý enhance the economic status of a nation.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý promote the progress of social sciences.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý change social, economic and political conditions of the public.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý hold the interviewees-interest longer than traditional surveys.

¡¡¡¡30. It is implied in the last sentence that

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý many scientific areas stop making breakthroughs for lack of effective data collection.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý scientific research still makes progress without large-scale survey data.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý the progress of knowledge depends on achievements made by all areas of science together.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý scientific research has made little progress before the widespread adoption of the Internet.

¡¡¡¡Text 3

¡¡¡¡From the time they were first proposed, the 1962 Amendments to the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act have been the subject of controversy among some elements of the health community and the pharmaceutical industry. The Amendments added a new requirement for Food and Drug Administration approval of any new drug: the drug must be demonstrated to be effective by substantial evidence consisting of adequate and well-controlled investigations. To meet this effectiveness requirement, a pharmaceutical company must spend considerable time and effort in clinical research before it can market a new product in the United States. Critics of the requirement argue that the added expense of the research to establish effectiveness is reflected in higher drug costs, decreased profits, or both, and that this has resulted in a ¡°drug lag¡±.

¡¡¡¡The term ¡°drug lag¡± has been used in several different ways. It has been argued that the research required to prove effectiveness creates a lag between the time when a drug could theoretically be marketed without proving effectiveness and the time when it is actually marketed. ¡°Drug lag¡± has also been used to refer to the difference between the number of new drugs introduced annually before 1962 and the number of new drugs introduced each year after that date. It is also argued that the Amendments resulted in a lag between the time when the new drugs are available in other countries and the time when the same drugs are available in the United States. And ¡°drug lag¡± has also been used to refer to a difference in the number of new drugs introduced per year in other advanced nations and the number introduced in the same year in the United States.

¡¡¡¡Some critics have used ¡°drug lag¡± arguments in an attempt to prove that the 1962 Amendments have actually reduced the quality of health care in the United States and that, on balance, they have done more harm than good. These critics recommend that the effectiveness requirements be drastically modified or even cancelled. Most of the specific claims of the ¡°drug lag¡± theoreticians, however, have been refuted. The drop in new drugs approved annually, for example, began at least as early as 1959, perhaps five years before the new law was fully effective. In most instances, when a new drug was available in a foreign country but not in the United States, other effective drugs for the condition were available in the country and sometimes not available in the foreign country used for comparison. Further, although the number of new chemical entities introduced annually dropped from more than 50 in 1959 to about 12 to 18 in the 1960s and 1970s, the number of these that can be termed important has remained reasonably close to 5 or 6 per year. Few, if any, specific examples have actually been offered to show how the effectiveness requirements have done significant harm to the health of Americans. The requirement does ensure that a patient exposed to a drug has the likelihood of benefiting from it.

¡¡¡¡31. The author is primarily concerned with

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý outlining a proposal.£ÛB£Ý posing a question.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý countering arguments.£ÛD£Ý discussing a law.

¡¡¡¡32. The passage states that the phrase ¡°drug lag¡± has been used to refer to all of the following situations EXCEPT

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý a lag between the time when a new drug becomes available in a foreign country and its availability in the United States.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý the time period between which a new drug would be marketed if no effectiveness research were required and the time it is actually marketed.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý the increased cost of drugs to the consumer and the decreased profit margins of the pharmaceutical industry.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý the difference between the number of drugs introduced annually before 1962 and the number introduced after 1962.

¡¡¡¡33. According to the author, whatever ¡°drug lag¡± may exist because of the 1962 Amendments

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý it is justified by the benefit of effectiveness studies.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý it does not affect the pharmaceutical industry at all.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý it is offset by the effectiveness of the new drugs.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý it offers a practical obstacle to the development of new drugs in the United States.

¡¡¡¡34. The author implies that the nonª²availability of a drug in the United States and its availability in a foreign country is not necessarily proof of a drug lag because this comparison fails to take into account

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý the number of new drugs introduced annually before 1959.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý the amount of research done on the effectiveness of drugs in the United States.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý the possible availability of another drug to treat the same condition.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý the length of time needed to accumulate effectiveness research.

¡¡¡¡35. The author¬ðs attitude towards the 1962 Amendments is

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý suspicious.£ÛB£Ý favorable.£ÛC£Ý neutral.£ÛD£Ý conservative.

¡¡¡¡Text 4

¡¡¡¡A long-held view of the history of the English colonies that became the United States has been that England¬ðs policy toward these colonies before 1763 was dictated by commercial interests and that a change to a more imperial policy, dominated by expansionist militarist objectives, generated the tensions that ultimately led to the American Revolution.In a recent study, Stephen Saunders Webb has presented a formidable challenge to this view. According to Webb, England already had a military imperial policy for more than a century before the American Revolution. He sees Charles ¢ò, the English monarch between 1660 and 1685, as the proper successor of the Tudor monarchs of the sixteenth century and of Oliver Cromwell, all of whom were bent on extending centralized executive power over England¡¯s possessions through the use of what Webb calls ¡°garrison government.¡± Garrison government allowed the colonists a legislative assembly, but real authority, in Webb¬ðs view, belonged to the colonial governor, who was appointed by the king and supported by the ¡°garrison,¡± that is, by the local contingent of English troops under the colonial governor¡¯s command.

¡¡¡¡According to Webb, the purpose of garrison government was to provide military support for a royal policy designed to limit the power of the upper classes in the American colonies. Webb argues that the colonial legislative assemblies represented the interests not of the common people but of the colonial upper classes, a coalition of merchants and nobility who favored self-rule and sought to elevate legislative authority at the expense of the executive. It was, according to Webb, the colonial governors who favored the small farmer, opposed the plantation system, and tried through taxation to break up large holdings of land. Backed by the military presence of the garrison, these governors tried to prevent the gentry and merchants, allied in the colonial assemblies, from transforming colonial America into a capitalistic oligarchy.

¡¡¡¡Web¡¯s study illuminates the political alignments that existed in the colonies in the century prior to the American Revolution, but his view of the crown¡¯s use of the military as an instrument of colonial policy is not entirely convincing. England during the seventeenth century was not noted for its military achievements. Cromwell did mount England¡¯s most ambitious overseas military expedition in more than a century, but it proved to be an utter failure. Under Charles ¢ò, the English army was too small to be a major instrument of government. Not until the war with France in 1697 did William ¢ó persuade Parliament to create a professional standing army, and Parliaments price for doing so was to keep the army under tight legislative control. While it may be true that the crown attempted to curtail the power of the colonial upper classes, it is hard to imagine how the English army during the seventeenth century could have provided significant military support for such a policy.

¡¡¡¡36. The passage can be described as a

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý survey of the inadequacies of a conventional viewpoint.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý reconciliation of opposing points of view.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý summary and evaluation of a recent study.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý review of the subtle distinctions between apparently similar views.

¡¡¡¡37. The old view argued that

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý the colonial governors were sympathetic to the demands of the common people.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý Charles ¢ò was a pivotal figure in helping to generate the American Revolution.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý the military did not play a major role as an instrument of colonial policy until 1763.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý the colonial legislative assemblies had little influence over the colonial governors.

¡¡¡¡38. With which of the following statements regarding garrison government would Webb be most likely to agree?

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý It gave legislative assemblies in the colonies relatively little authority, compared to the authority that it gave the colonial governors.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý It proved relatively ineffective until it was used by Charles ¢ò to curb power of colonial legislatures.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý It became a less feasible colonial policy as the English Parliament began to exert tighter legislative control over the English military.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý It was actually weakened by the creation of a professional standing army in the American colonies in 1697.

¡¡¡¡39. Webb views Charles ¢ò as the ¡°proper successor¡± of the Tudor monarchs and Cromwell because Charles¢ò

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý used colonial tax revenues to fund overseas military expeditions.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý used the military to extend executive power over the English colonies.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý wished to transform the American colonies into capitalistic oligarchies.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý resisted the English Parliament¡¯s efforts to exert control over the military.

¡¡¡¡40. According to Webb, the merchants and nobility were

¡¡¡¡£ÛA£Ý opposed to policies formulated by Charles ¢ò that would have transformed the colonies into capitalistic oligarchies.

¡¡¡¡£ÛB£Ý opposed to attempts by the English crown to limit the power of the legislative assemblies.

¡¡¡¡£ÛC£Ý united with small farmers in their opposition to the stationing of English troops in the colonies.

¡¡¡¡£ÛD£Ý discontented with the crown and Parliament¡¯s efforts to impose military control over the affairs of the colonies.